Politics of Memory: The Israeli Underground's Struggle for Inclusion in the National Pantheon and Military Commemoration by Udi Lebel

Author:Udi Lebel [Lebel, Udi]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Public Policy, Cultural Policy, Political Ideologies, Political Science, Nationalism & Patriotism
ISBN: 9780415412391
Google: yTFXqaFLNCsC
Goodreads: 12685066
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2011-12-03T00:00:00+00:00

Independence Day and Remembrance Day

On 14 May 1948, following the departure of the British Mandatory government, David Ben-Gurion declared the rebirth of the Jewish State in the land of Israel. Armies of the surrounding Arab states immediately invaded, bent on destroying the newly born entity. During the ensuing military struggle to consolidate the newly born state, Ben-Gurion put forward legislation for the observation of a national holiday which would symbolize and mark political and national sovereignty, similar to those celebrated by other nations. Two symbols already existed: the national flag and the national anthem.37 The debate surrounding the choice of a date was initiated by the Ministry of Defence in late 1949.38

Several options were considered. Among them was 20 Tamuz, the anniversary of Herzl's death, a date shunned by Ben-Gurion following Herut's fairly successful appropriation of Herzl's image. Another date, 11 Adar, Tel Hai Day, the anniversary of the death of Trumpeldor and his comrades (1920), had become Defence Forces Day. Although this date suited Ben-Gurion's purposes, it nonetheless prevented broad segments of society from identifying with its substance and from participating in the ceremonies. Another option raised was 21 Tamuz, the date of the death of Chaim Nachman Bialik (1935), Israel's poet laureate. However, Bialik's life was devoid of any clear symbolic connections with Ben-Gurion or the Labour movement. Two additional dates were associated with colonial history: 2 November, the date of the Balfour Declaration (1917) symbolizing external recognition of the Jewish national aspirations, and 29 November (1947), the date the UN partition resolution passed and Jewish sovereignty in Israel was recognized internationally. Although the last two dates were perceived as fitting alternatives, the moment when independence was declared contributed an alternative that focused on the personality of Ben-Gurion. This date was viewed as an act of “procreation” at the hands of Ben-Gurionand represented the transition from the nation's “absence” to its “presence,” an occasion that separated “before” and “after,” the beginning of a new temporal sequence for Zionists and for Jews.

Ben-Gurion was intent upon stressing his role in the process. At his initiative the Interim Government was convened at the Tel Aviv Museum in April 1949 and ratified Israel's Independence Day as the day on which Ben-Gurion declared the coming into existence of the Jewish state. The holiday's date in April 1949 thereby confirmed that Ben-Gurion was indeed responsible for Israel's transition to a full-fledged state. According to Azaryahu, time was pressing – it was shortly before the first celebration of Israel's Independence Day – and the alacrity with which the decision was taken prevented an in-depth and principled discussion which “under other conditions could have triggered an important public debate touching on questions concerning the foundation of national existence” (Azaryahu 1995: 24).

The choice of the date on which national independence was declared is not self-evident. Many countries have preferred to celebrate the occasion on the date of their release from colonial bonds, a pattern set by the United States. Conceptually, there is a distinction between “liberation from” some form of dependency or necessity and “freedom of” those who are liberated to begin anew.

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